THE BUDGET, INFLATION & UNEMPLOYMENT

UBS HSC Economics Day, May 29, 2024

I want to talk to you today about the federal budget two weeks ago and how it relates to the two key issues the managers of the economy need to keep under control: inflation and unemployment. Right now, inflation is still at the top of our worry list, but we shouldn’t forget that we’ve been doing exceptionally well on unemployment, and it’s important we do what we can to avoid fixing inflation at the expense of making unemployment our new problem.

Of course, what most voters see as our big economic problem – thereby making it the government’s biggest political problem - is the cost-of-living crisis. You may think that’s the same thing as what economists think of as the inflation problem, but it’s not that simple. When people complain about the pain they’re feeling from the cost of living, what they want is some immediate relief. By contrast, what economists want is a lasting reduction in high inflation. And this distinction matters because the economists’ standard solution to the pain caused by high inflation is to make it better by first making it worse. It’s actually the pain caused by this solution that people are complaining about most.

Economists know that the only cause of inflation their shorter-term macroeconomic levers can do anything about is inflation caused by the demand for goods and services growing faster than the economy’s ability to produce – supply - more goods and services. When demand exceeds supply, businesses use the opportunity to raise their prices. So, if you want to stop them raising their prices so freely, you have to reduce the demand for whatever it is they are selling. How do you do this? By putting the squeeze on households’ finances, thus making it harder for households to keep up their spending. How do you do this? The main way is for the RBA to raise interest rates, thus greatly increasing monthly mortgage payments. But it adds to the squeeze when bracket creep means the government takes a bigger tax bite out of workers’ pay rises. And it also helps if the government finds other ways to take more money out of the economy with its taxes relative to what it puts back into the economy by its own spending. That is, when you are reducing a budget deficit or increasing a budget surplus.

Before we get to this month’s budget, we need to understand where the economy is now by going back to see where it’s come from.

The recovery from the pandemic and the return to full employment

After the COVID virus arrived in Australia in early 2020, governments sought to slow its spread through the population until a vaccine could be developed. They closed our international borders, limited travel between our states, and locked down the economy, getting people to work from home if possible, closing schools and closing many shops and venues. The idea was for people to stay in their homes as much as possible. The result was a sudden collapse in economic activity – a sort of government-caused recession, with unemployment shooting up.

But governments knew they had to do what was necessary to hold the economy together during this temporary lockdown so that, as soon as it could be ended, the economy would quickly resume normal activity. So the economic managers unleashed huge monetary and fiscal stimulus. The RBA cut the official cash rate almost to zero, and the federal government spent loads of money on JobKeeper grants to employers and many other things. The state governments also spent a lot. From an almost balanced budget in the financial year to June 2019, the federal budget balance blew out to a deficit of $85 billion (equivalent to 4.3 pc of GDP) in the year to June 2020, then a peak deficit of $134 billion (6.4 pc of GDP) in the year to June2022.

But when the lockdowns ended, all the stimulus caused the economy to rebound. People started catching up with their spending, employment grew strongly and unemployment – and underemployment – fell like a stone. The economy boomed. With our borders still closed to immigrants, the rate of unemployment fell to 3.5 pc, it’s lowest in almost 50 years. So we had returned to full employment for the first time in five decades.

This strong growth did wonders for the budget balance. The temporary spending programs ended. When people go from being on JobSeeker to having a job, they start paying income tax – a double benefit to the budget. When people who want to are able to go from working part-time to full-time, they pay more tax. And when workers get bigger pay rises, their average rate of income tax rises, often because they’ve been pushed into a higher tax bracket. People call this “bracket creep”. But economists call it “fiscal drag”. They know it’s the budget’s inbuilt “automatic stabilisers” changing direction and acting to reduce workers’ after-tax income, thereby limiting the rate at which the economy is growing and adding to inflation pressure. (Another factor increasing tax collections was the world prices for iron ore and other commodities we export, which stayed high and cause our mining companies’ payments of company tax collections to be higher than expected.)

You can see this in the change in the budget balance. From a deficit of $134 billion (6.4 pc of GDP) in the year to June 2021, it fell to a deficit of $32 (1.4 pc) in the year June 2022. And then, in the first financial year of the Albanese government, it flipped to a budget surplus of $22billion (0.9 pc). This was all very lovely. But while it was happening, trouble was brewing: inflation was building up.

The return of high inflation

Since the early 1990s, we – and the other advanced economies – had enjoyed a low and stable rate of inflation within the RBA’s 2 to 3 pc target range. Or, in recent years, even a bit lower than the target. But with the economy booming, from early in 2022 the rate of inflation started rising rapidly. In May 2022, just before the election in which government passed from the Morrison Coalition to Albanese’s Labor, the RBA started raising interest rates to slow the growth of demand. By November 2023, it had raised the official “cash” interest rate 13 times, from 0.1 pc to 4.35 pc. Now, 4.35 pc is not high by the standards of earlier decades, but this was the biggest and quickest increase in interest rates we’ve seen, imposing great pain on households with big home loans. For separate reasons, we’ve seen an acute shortage of places to rent, allowing landlords to make big increases in the rent they charge.

So, while the RBA was raising interest rates to slow demand, consumer prices kept rising, with the inflation rate reaching a peak of nearly 8 pc – 7.8 pc to be exact - by December 2022. Last year, 2023, the RBA kept tightening monetary policy, and the inflation rate started falling, reaching 3.6 pc over the year to March, 2024.

It’s important to remember that not all of the rise in prices was caused by strong demand within Australia. A fair bit of it was caused by overseas disruptions to the supply of various goods we import. The disruption was caused by the pandemic and by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which pushed up the prices of petrol and gas. The resolution of these disruptions helped get our inflation rate down. And while all this was happening, the squeeze on households’ budgets had pretty much stopped any growth in consumer spending, thus slowing the economy’s growth. This meant a weakening in the demand for labour, causing the rate of unemployment to rise from its low of 3.5 pc to 4.1 pc by April this year. Now, that was where the economy was at when Mr Chalmers announced his budget two weeks’ ago.

The 2024 budget

The part of the Mr Chalmers’ budget that got most attention from the media was the decision to give all households a one-year, $300 rebate on their electricity bills. This had the political benefit to the government of giving voters some relief to cost-of-living pain they have been demanding the government provide. But it was designed also to produce a benefit to the economy: combined with an increase in the rent allowance paid to people on welfare payments, it is expected to reduce the consumer price index by 0.5 percentage points during the coming financial year, 2024-25. This device will come at a cost to government spending of $4.4 billion over two years. Some economists criticised the rebate, arguing that its cost to the budget would actually add to inflationary pressure. They noted that all the new measures announced in the budget would worsen the budget balance by almost $10 billion in the new financial year, and by a total of $24 billion over the coming four years. So they denounced the budget as inflationary at a time when the RBA and the government were still battling to get inflation heading down to the inflation target of 2 to 3 per cent, so that the RBA could start lowering interest rates.

But what the critics have missed is that the measure that will do by far the most to worsen the budget balance from an expected further surplus of $9 billion (equivalent to 0.3 pc of GDP) in the financial year just ending, to a deficit of $28 billion (1 pc of GDP) in the coming year, is the stage 3 tax cuts. These have been government policy since 2018, but were rejigged a few months ago to ensure that more of their benefit went to low and middle-income taxpayers. Their cost in the first year of $23 billion, accounts for more than 60 pc of the total expected turnaround in the budget balance of $37 billion.

The other big announcement in the budget was the government’s Future Made in Australia program. This is a most important change in the government’s micro-economic policy. But the expected cost to the budget of about $23 billion will be spread over 10 years, with little of it spent over the next few years. This means it is not a big issue for the short-term management of the macro economy.

The new macro “policy mix”

So where does the budget leave the authorities use of the two instruments of macro demand management – monetary policy and fiscal policy? It leaves us with the “stance” of monetary policy having got progressively more restrictive over the past two years, with the long lag in policies having their full effect on demand meaning there is more contractionary effect to come.

The huge growth in tax collections caused by the budget’s automatic stabilisers has caused the budget to have two financial years of surpluses, meaning a restrictive stance of fiscal policy has added to the contractionary pressure from monetary policy. But, although Mr Chalmers has denied it, there can be no doubt that, thanks mainly to the stage 3 tax cuts, the budget changes the “stance” of fiscal policy from restrictive to expansionary.

The government’s critics argue that this expansion will jeopardise our efforts to get inflation down to the target range. I disagree. The economy is weak, expected by Treasury to have grown by only 1.75 pc in the financial year just ending, and to grow by only 2 pc in the coming year. If anything, that’s probably on the optimistic side. At 3.6 pc over the year to March, the inflation rate has already fallen close to the 2 to 3 pc range, and it’s easy to believe it will keep falling in the coming year, as Treasury forecasts. After a lag, the tax cut will take some of the pressure off household spending. But, with luck, it will help ensure the economy’s slowdown doesn’t become a recession. Even so, Treasury’s forecast that the economy’s continuing weakness will push the rate of unemployment no higher than 4.5 pc is probably also on the optimistic side.

Outlook for the budget and the public debt

Treasury’s forecasts and projections suggest the budget is likely to remain in small but declining deficits over the decade to 2034-35. The federal government’s gross public debt is expected to be $904 billion (34 pc of GDP) at June, 2024. The gross debt is projected to peak at 35 pc of GDP in June 2027, then decline to 30 pc by June 2035. This proportionate decline would occur because the economy was growing faster than the small deficits were adding to gross debt.

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INFLATION, TAX & THE COST OF LIVING

May 2024

The economy has been going through huge ups and downs since COVID arrived in early 2020. Since most of you weren’t taking a great deal of notice of the economy that long ago, let me give you a quick summary. To slow the spread of the virus while a vaccine was being developed, governments locked the economy down, getting as many people as possible to work from home, closing schools and many shops, and telling people to stay in their homes as much as possible. Australia’s borders were closed to people coming and going, though many overseas students were encouraged to return to their home countries. The Australian states closed their borders to interstate travel.

This hugely reduced economic activity, causing an immediate recession and sending unemployment shooting up. But to ensure this didn’t cause lasting damage to the economy, the Reserve Bank cut the official interest rate to almost zero and the federal government spent a fortune on JobKeeper payments and many other things. As well, the state governments spent up big.

This worked like a charm. As soon as the lockdowns ended, the economy rebounded. Once people were allowed out of their homes, they really caught up with their spending. The economy boomed, with employment growing and unemployment falling like a stone. The boom, coming before our borders had been reopened to immigrants, caused the rate of unemployment to fall to 3.5 per cent, its lowest in almost 50 years. With job vacancies far exceeding unemployment, the economy had returned to full employment for the first time in five decades. Everything seemed wonderful, until we – like the other advanced economies – noticed prices shooting up.

The return of inflation

Until then, and like all the advanced economies, Australia had enjoyed years of low inflation, with the rate of price increases staying in the RBA’s target range of 2 to 3 pc on average since the mid-1990s. In the years before the pandemic, the RBA even had trouble getting inflation up to the bottom of the target range. But from early in 2022, prices started rising rapidly and, by the end of 2022, inflation reached a peak of 7.8 per cent. Similar things were happening in the other advanced economies. What caused this sudden surge in inflation, the worse we had seen for 30 years?

Two quite separate developments. The first factor was us being hit by global supply-side price shocks arising from disruptions caused by the pandemic. When people were locked up in their homes, they couldn’t get out and buy services such as restaurant meals, go to shows and sporting matches, or travel. But they could use the internet to buy things to improve their homes, new appliances or even new cars. So, while spending on services collapsed, spending on goods took off.  This sudden surge in the purchase of goods led to shortages – including a shortage of computer chips - and higher prices. Because, these days, all the rich countries import many manufactures from places such as China, this surge in demand for goods led to shortages of ships and shipping containers. So the pandemic led to temporary supply shortages, which pushed up prices.  As well, Russia’s attack on Ukraine caused a big increase in oil and gas prices.

But the second factor, adding to these problems on the supply – or production – side of the economy, was a strong surge in the demand for goods and services. Where did this come from? From all the economic stimulus the managers of the macro economy had applied during the lockdowns to hold the economy together. The official cash rate was already down to 0.75 per cent, but the RBA cut it almost to zero, 0.1 per cent. It also used unconventional measures – “quantitative easing”, or the buying of second-hand government bonds – to lower medium-term interest rates. As well, from a virtually balanced budget in the financial year to June 2019, the government’s hugely increased spending caused annual deficits of $85 billion (4.3 pc of GDP), $134 billion (6.4 pc of GDP) and, in 2021-22, $32 billion (1.4 pc). The state governments greatly increased their spending also.

With the wisdom of hindsight, it’s clear the economic managers provided a lot more monetary and fiscal stimulus than turned out to be needed. As a result, this excess demand for goods and services outstripped our businesses’ ability to increase their production of goods and services, thus causing prices to rise. So the surge in prices in 2022 had two quite different causes. The supply-side problems were beyond our control, but would sort themselves out in time. The excessive demand, however, was caused by our own miscalculations and so required the economic managers to move the two instruments for managing the strength of demand – monetary policy and fiscal policy – from a stimulatory setting to a restrictive setting.

The policy response to high inflation

The RBA responded to the worsening inflation in May 2022, just before the federal election in which the Morrison Coalition government was replaced by the Albanese Labor government. The RBA began increasing the official cash rate and, by November 2023, had raise it 13 times, from 0.1 pc to 4.35 pc. Note that, although 4.35 pc is not high by the standards of earlier decades, this was the biggest and fastest increase in rates ever, meaning it had a particularly sharp effect on those households with big home loans. There’s no doubt the present “stance” of monetary policy is very restrictive.

The surge in tax collections

And while all this was happening to monetary policy, the budget’s “automatic stabilisers” were tightening fiscal policy. Since the change of government in May 2022, the boom in the economy and the return to full employment caused income tax collections to grow strongly. (As well, the world prices of iron ore and other export commodities have stayed much higher than Treasury was expecting, causing mining companies to pay more company tax than expected.)

When more people get jobs, they go from being on JobSeeker to paying income tax. When strong demand for labour allows those who want to to move from part-time to full-time work, they pay more income tax. And when higher inflation causes people to get bigger pay rises, this increases their average rate of income tax, often by pushing them into a higher tax bracket. What people call “bracket creep”, economists call “fiscal drag”. It’s one of the budget’s main built-in, “automatic stabilisers” which, without any explicit decision by the government, act automatically to take a bigger tax bite out of people’s pay rises, so leaving them less to spend and helping to slow demand.

The incoming Labor Treasurer Jim Chalmers’ main part in this has been to spend as little of this revenue windfall as possible, allowing almost all of it to flow through to the budget’s bottom line. So, from a deficit of $32 billion in the year to June 2022, the budget flipped to a surplus of $22 billion in the year to June 2023. That’s a turnaround of $54 billion, equivalent to 2.3 pc of GDP. The “stance” of fiscal policy switched from expansionary to contractionary, adding to the downward pressure on demand coming from monetary policy. And we know from the new budget that fiscal policy stayed contractionary in the financial year just ending, 2023-24, with another surplus of $9 billion expected.

The price mechanism and “gouging”

Before I move on to the question of the cost of living, I must tell you about a big difference between the thinking of economists and the thinking of normal people. Economists believe that the best way to allocate resources in an economy is via the use of markets. They believe that the forces of supply and demand in a particular market interact to set the price of the particular good or service. And they believe that, when something happens to disrupt the market, the “price mechanism” works to bring demand and supply back together, and re-establish “equilibrium”. If something happens that causes the demand for a product to exceed its supply, sellers are able to increase the price they are charging. This price increase sends different messages to the buyers than to the sellers. The message to buyers is: don’t use any more of this product than you have to, and see if you can find cheaper substitutes for it. The message to sellers is: producing this product has become more profitable, so make more of it. So, putting the two sides together, the “price mechanism” works to reduce demand and increase supply, thus causing the price to fall back to pretty where it was before the disruption.

I hope you know all that. The point is that when businesses respond to excess demand for their product by using the opportunity to raise their prices, economists regard this as the completely normal way markets work to restore equilibrium. It’s thus a good thing. But consumers see it very differently. They often object to businesses raising their prices even though their costs haven’t increased. They criticise it as “gouging” the customers. (My opinion? I think markets don’t always work as well as economic theory assumes they do.)

The cost of living

Whereas economists focus on inflation and ensuring prices don’t rise too rapidly, and worry about wages rises in response to the higher prices helping to keep inflation high, ordinary people worry about the rising “cost of living”. They focus on how fast prices are rising – particularly the prices they see in the supermarket - but tend not to notice that what matters most to them is whether their wage or other income is keeping up with prices. And many may not notice that they suffer when their wage rises cause their average rate of income tax to rise, leaving them less money to spend.

Voters have had a lot to complain about in the past two years or so. Consumer prices have rising at a much faster rate than usual. As well, until recent months their wages haven’t kept up with the rise in prices. And the government has been taking a bigger tax bite out of their wages.

But what makes it worse is that the standard way central banks and governments stop the cost of living rising so fast is to make it worse to make it better. When prices are rising because households’ demand for goods and services is rising faster than the economy’s ability to supply them, the standard response by the economic managers is to squeeze households’ budgets so they can’t spend as much. When this causes demand for their products to slow, businesses aren’t able to raise their prices as much. The main way the RBA squeezes households is by raising the interest rates they pay, particularly on their mortgages. And this time, for different reasons, rents have been rising rapidly.

All this presents a problem for our politicians. The voters are crying out for them to do something to fix the cost-of-living crisis. But the only way the authorities can achieve a lasting improvement in the rate at which prices are rising is to keep the pain on for a while yet. This is why Mr Chalmers is doing fairly minor things like giving every household a $300 electricity rebate. What will do much more to ease some of the pain is the rejig of the long-planned stage 3 tax cuts. Those tax cuts are the main reason the budget is now expected to swing from a surplus of $9 billion in the year just ending, to a deficit of $28 billion in the new financial year. The budget’s forecasts say this move to expansionary fiscal policy will not stop inflation returning to the target range in the coming year and will ensure we avoid recession and achieve a “soft landing”, with the unemployment rate rising no higher than 4.5 pc. Let’s hope this is what happens.

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THE GLOBAL ECONOMY

Aurora College Economics HSC Study Day, Sydney

Every year there’s some event in the news that’s relevant to your study of the global economy, and this year it’s the growing realisation that the process of globalisation has stopped and begun to reverse – “deglobalisation”. The pandemic hasn’t helped, nor has the invasion of Ukraine, but it’s the increasing tension between the US and China that has raised the spectre of the world being divided into two rival trading blocs. It’s likely the value of world trade will fall in 2023.

The arrival of the pandemic in early 2020 led to an immediate fall in world trade, but it recovered sharply the following year. However, the disruption to the supply of many imported goods has led some countries and companies to “re-shore” their supply chains, by producing more goods and components at home rather than abroad. While making their supply more reliable, this will raise the cost of those products. For some, this has just been the latest excuse for protection against competition from imports. The IMF has argued that supply chains can be diversified – made reliant on a wider range of foreign suppliers – without losing the benefits from trade.

The invasion of Ukraine has disrupted the supply of oil and gas from Russia to many European economies, as well as the supply of wheat and other foodstuffs to developing countries. This has happened not so much because of the war as because of the trade sanctions imposed on Russia by the US and its many allies. As the war drags on, the Europeans and others move to alternative suppliers, a process known as “friend-shoring” – moving your trade to countries you get on with, not necessarily those offering the best prices or service.

America’s swing to protectionism

For many decades, the US was the great champion of free trade and rules-based trading under the GATT – the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade – and its successor, the World Trade Organisation. It was the support of the US that allowed China to become a member of the WTO in 2001, leading to huge growth in international trade and globalisation. Much manufacturing activity moved to China from the developed economies, leading to decades of lower prices for manufactured goods throughout the world, and the accelerated growth of the Chinese economy. But it also led to much unemployment for displaced factory workers in the US. While all consumers benefited from the cheaper imports, far too little was done to help those workers find employment elsewhere. This was the grass-roots cause of America’s swing to protectionism.

President Donald Trump won election in 2016 on a promise of protecting American industry against “unfair” competition from developing countries and, in particular, China. He launched a trade war with China, made changes to various trade agreements, and refused to join a US-sponsored trade agreement with Japan, Australia and various other Asian economies (which went ahead anyway). What’s now apparent is that US protectionism, and the trade war with China, have continued under President Joe Biden. He has resorted to subsidies and export controls, contrary to WTO rules.

It's now clear the US is motivated not just by protectionism, but also big-power rivalry with China. America is unwilling to share power with the rising superpower, China. It is particularly unwilling to have China overtake it as leader in advances in digital technology. When politicians and officials say they are worried about the effect of “geostrategic conflict” on world trade, this is what they mean. When they worry about the “fragmentation” of world trade, they mean they fear the world could divide into two rival trading blocs, led by America and China. This would involve great losses of the “gains from trade” through pursuit of “comparative advantage”. In October 2022, the US imposed sweeping restrictions on exports of semiconductors (chips), aimed at preventing China from advancing technologically. This also explains America’s efforts to stop Huawei and TikTok from expanding outside China.

Definition

The OECD defines globalisation as “the economic integration of different countries through growing freedom of movement across national borders of goods, services, capital, ideas and people”.

That’s a good definition, but I like my own: globalisation is the process by which the natural and government-created barriers between national economies are broken down.

Globalisation’s two driving forces

With this definition I’m trying to make a few points. One is that globalisation has had two quite different driving forces. The one we hear most about is the decisions of governments around the world to break down the barriers they have created to limit flows of goods and money between countries by reducing their protection of domestic industries and by deregulating their financial markets and floating their currencies.

But the second factor promoting globalisation is just as important, if not more so: advances in technology – including advances in telecommunications, digitisation and the internet, which have hugely reduced the cost of moving information and news around the world, as well as increasing the speed of its movement. This has allowed a huge increase in trade in digitised services. As well, advances in shipping – containerisation, bigger and more fuel-efficient ships – and in air transport have led to increased movement of goods and people between countries.  

Globalisation is a process

Another point my definition makes is that globalisation is a process, not a set state of being. Because it’s a process, it can go forward – the world can become more globalised – or it can go backwards, as national governments, under pressure from their electorates, seek to stop or even reverse the process of economic integration. Among the advocates of globalisation there tended to be an assumption that the process of ever greater integration was inevitable and inexorable. That was always a mistaken notion.

Earlier globalisation

The process of globalisation is and always was reversible. People should know this because this isn’t the first time the process of globalisation has occurred and then been rolled back. The decades leading up to World War I saw reduced barriers and greatly increased flows of goods, funds and people between the old world of Europe and the new world of America, Australia and other countries. But this integration was brought to a halt in 1914 by the onset of a world war. And the period of beggar-thy-neighbour increases in trade protection, to which countries resorted in response to the Great Depression of the early 1930s, greatly increased the barriers between national economies. Indeed, in the years after World War II, the many rounds of multilateral tariff reductions brought about under the GATT – the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, which has since become the World Trade Organisation – were intended to dismantle all the barriers to trade built up in the period between the wars.

The era of hyperglobalisation

The period between the end of World War II in 1945 and the late 1980s saw huge growth in trade between the advanced economies, as a consequence of those successive rounds of tariff reductions. But from the late ’80s until the global financial crisis and Great Recession of 2008 there was a period of “hyperglobalisation” in which trade between the developed and developing countries grew hugely. This was partly because of the way the digital revolution and other technological change broke down the natural barriers between countries. But also the result of the eighth and final “Uruguay round” of the GATT in 1994 reducing tariff and other trade barriers between the developed and developing countries.  Many poor countries joined the new WTO at this time, with China joining in 2001.

One measure of the extent of globalisation is the growth in two-way trade between countries (exports plus imports) as a proportion of gross world product (world GDP). Between 1990 and 2008, global trade rose from 39 pc to 61 pc of GWP – the period of rapid globalisation.

Note that the poor countries did well out of the quarter-century of rapid globalisation. Between 1995 and 2019, real GDP per person in the emerging economies more than doubled, whereas in the advanced economies it grew by only 44 pc (after allowing for differences in purchasing power).

The era of deglobalisation

But the end of hyperglobalisation can be dated to the global financial crisis in 2008, and the new era of “deglobalisation” has continued during the pandemic. Two-way trade as a proportion GWP fell after the global financial crisis, and even by 2019 had not regained its peak in 2008.

Among the signs of deglobalisation are Britain’s vote in 2016 to leave the European Union – Brexit – and thus to reduce its degree of economic integration with the rest of Europe – a decision most outsiders see as involving a significant economic cost to the Brits’ economy. Second, the Trump administration withdrew from the Trans Pacific Partnership, an agreement between the US and 11 other selected countries (including Australia) to reduce barriers to trade between them – although the remaining 11 finalised an agreement without the US.  Third, the Trump administration withdrew from the Paris global agreement on reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Fourth, Trump launched a trade war with China. President Biden has re-joined the Paris agreement and repaired America’s relations with its allies, but continues the contest with China.

The temptation of returning to protectionism

The period of hyperglobalisation saw the shift of much manufacturing from the rich countries (including Australia) to China and other developing countries with cheaper labour. But it’s likely that, in the period of slower growth that followed the global financial crisis, some countries yielded to the temptation to return to protecting their domestic industries against foreign competition, returning to the (failed) strategy of growth through “import replacement” rather than “export-led” growth. Regrettably, this trend is being led by the two biggest developing economies, China and India. China raised its import barriers against many Australian exports, but is now lowering them.

This trend has continued during the pandemic, with The Economist magazine reporting that countries have passed more than 140 special trade restrictions during the pandemic. Some of these may arise from concerns in the rich countries during the pandemic over the lack of availability of personal protective equipment, or vaccines. Worries about the pandemic’s disruption of global supply chains may be another reason for the return of protectionist attitudes in the advanced economies.

The channels of globalisation

The four main economic channels through which the world’s economies have become more integrated are:

1) Trade in goods and services

2) Finance and investment

3) Labour

4) Information, news and ideas.

Trade is probably the channel that gets most attention from the public. Donald Trump’s populist campaigning against globalisation focused on the belief that America’s greater openness to trade – particularly with developing countries – caused it to lose many jobs, particularly in manufacturing, as cheaper imports caused many domestic producers to lose sales, or as factories have been moved offshore to countries where wages are lower, without America receiving anything much in return.

Surprisingly, financial globalisation didn’t get as much blame as it could have for the global financial crisis and the Great Recession it precipitated. Most countries have not liberalised the flow of labour into their economy in the way they have the other factors of production.

Income distribution and the gains from trade

One of economists’ core beliefs is that there are mutual gains from trade. Provided the exchange of goods is voluntary, each side participates only because it sees some advantage for itself. This is undoubtedly true, but in the era of renewed globalisation we’ve been reminded that, though the gains may be mutual, they are not necessarily equal. Some countries do better than others.

Similarly, the benefits to a particular country from its trade aren’t necessarily equally distributed between the people within that country. When, for example, a country imports more of its manufactured goods because they are cheaper than its locally made goods, all the consumers who buy those goods are better off (including all the working people), but many workers in the domestic manufacturing industry may lose their jobs.

Another factor that has been working in the same direction is digitisation and other technological change which, in its effect on employers’ demand for labour, seems to be “skill-biased” – that is, it tends to increase the value of highly skilled labour, while reducing the value of less-skilled labour. It seems likely that, between them, trade and technological advance have worked to shift the distribution of income in America, Britain and, to a lesser extent, Australia, in favour of high-income families and against many middle and lower-income families.

The unwelcome surprise many politicians and economists have received from the high protest votes for Brexit, Trump and One Nation is causing them to wonder if too little has been done to assist the workers and regions adversely affected to retrain and relocate, and too little to ensure the winners from structural change bear most of the cost of this assistance.

Shares of the World Economy, 2021

GWP Exports Population

China          19   13     18

United States   16     9         4

Euro area (19 countries)   12   26         4

India     7     2       18

Japan     4     3         2

Advanced economies (40) 42   61       14

Developing economies (156) 58   39       86

            100 100     100

Source: IMF WEO statistical appendix; GWP based on purchasing power parity                

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